"For Colombians, the agreement involves 'swallowing toads', in a local metaphor. The FARC claim to have fought a just war against unequal land ownership. In that cause the country suffered bombings, firefights, murders, kidnapping and extortion. Many people find it hard to accept that FARC leaders accused of crimes against humanity will not go to jail provided they confess. But they will face a special tribunal and restrictions on their liberty for up to eight years. Many other points in the agreement involve the government saying it will do things it should do anyway, such as fostering rural development and adopting better ways to fight drug-trafficking and criminal gangs," writes The Economist.
"The ceasefire will also mark the beginning of the demobilization and disarmament of the FARC’s guerrilla organization, which will ultimately become a political movement. However, the thousands of members of the guerrilla group and more than 24,000 state officials will first have to go through a process of transitional justice that will seek justice for the millions of Colombians who have become a victim of human rights violations committed on a massive scale by both parties," Adriaan Alsema writes for Colombia Reports.
"Afraid of getting bogged down in a Vietnam-style quagmire, [the U.S.] Congress initially restricted the use of donated helicopters and other hardware strictly to fighting drug production and trafficking. A battalion of 3,000 men trained by US special forces could not be used to combat the guerrillas or paramilitaries unless their targets were clearly protecting drug labs or coca fields. ... That ended after the 9/11 attacks in New York and Washington, when the US became openly engaged in fighting 'narco-terrorism' in Colombia. That is where Plan Colombia did succeed: in helping the Colombian government take control – in some areas for the first time – of its territory, fighting back guerrillas to mountain and jungle redoubts and driving them to begin peace negotiations with the government in 2012," Sibylla Brodzinsky writes for the Guardian.